Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe (Comparative by Piero Ignazi

By Piero Ignazi

Contemporary election luck around the continent strikingly demonstrates the persistence of the intense correct in Europe. Piero Ignazi's quantity presents the definitive account of this significant political phenomenon. what's its value? Why have such events prospered in a few international locations and never others? Who votes for them and why? those are a number of the questions that the publication goals to respond to through the process its broad-ranging research.

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Extra resources for Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe (Comparative Politics)

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From Ideologies to Parties 25 The American counterpart, centred at first around the Hoover Institute and the Heritage Foundation, differs from the British revision of conservatism on two main points: the role of the USA in the international arena and the reaction to the post-materialist agenda. American neo-conservatism is much more stimulated than the British one by its reaction to the intellectual hegemony of the New Deal tradition reinforced by the counter-cultural generation of the 1960s. The lack of a solid welfare system and the relative degree of State intervention in the economy were supplanted in the their role of anti-leftist mobilizing agents by the diffusion of a left–libertarian agenda.

Nevertheless they undermine system legitimacy. Although they do not share any nostalgia for the inter-war fascist experiences, and may even refuse any reference to fascism, they express anti-system values throughout their political discourse. Annvi Gardberg (1993: 32) aptly stated that the political culture of the extreme right can be interpreted as a ‘subversive stream that is anti-egalitarian and anti-pluralist and that opposes the principle of democratic constitutional states’. In short, on the basis of the spatial, ideological, attitudinal criteria, we can present a typology where parties more on the right of the political spectrum are categorized according to the presence or absence of a fascist legacy and to the acceptance or refusal of the political system.

Because they manifest an ideology (in a weak sense of the word) that, while not structured and articulated as in the case of fascism, contains a series of values and attitudes radically opposed to those that the respective political systems are founded upon. This point raises the question of the mode of opposition: when does an opposition become anti-system? A tentative solution to this problem could be suggested on the basis of some authoritative speculations. Otto Kirchheimer (1966: 237) identified two ideal-types of opposition: the opposition of principle, where ‘goal displacement is incompatible with the constitutional requirements of a given system’; and the loyal opposition, which implies just a ‘goal differentiation’.

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