By Murray Milner Jr.
At a time whilst major social prestige, fiscal assets, and political possibilities appear to turn into ever extra unequally dispensed and in simple terms on hand to some, this publication represents the 1st systematic attempt in recent times to advance a sociological version of elites and non-elites. In outlining a brand new typology of monetary, political, and cultural elites, in addition to drawing cognizance to the real function of non-elites, this accessibly written booklet presents novel insights into the constitution of old and modern societies.
Milner identifies the assets and constructions of monetary, political, and cultural strength, and investigates styles of cooperation and clash among and inside elite teams. examining politicians and propagandists, landowners and capitalists, nationwide heroes and celebrities, usual fogeys and outcasts, the publication applies its version to 3 surprisingly diversified societies – historic India, Classical Athens, and the modern usa – highlighting very important structural commonalities throughout those in a different way very numerous societies.
A major contribution to scholarship, Elites can be necessary for an array of classes in sociology, political technology, and background.
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Additional resources for Elites: A General Model
11 For such legitimacy to be shared by non-elites, however, it is necessary that the elites offering approval be seen as having significantly different interests than the elites they are legitimizing. Religious leaders and intellectuals are the most important historical forms of status elites. Their power is rooted primarily in the status derived from their conformity to norms not directly concerned with the control of force or material resources. Typically, this is based upon the possession of esoteric types of knowledge including ideologies.
The theory outlined below attempts to explain the typical patterns of relationships that tend to emerge when status is a highly valued attribute, especially when it is not simply a reflection of economic or political power. Hence, status-based relations are more likely to appear among religious devotees than among stockholders or members of a political party. The theory has four key elements. The first two elements of the theory are about the nature of status compared to other resources. Status is relatively inalienable; it is not easily transferred or appropriated, and hence once institutionalized is relatively stable.
The second level refers to indigenous models, which serve to help the members of a social unit make sense out of key features of that particular unit, and usually to legitimate some patterns and define others as illegitimate. Some of these models may also serve as boundaries for what is taken for granted or what is considered legitimate discourse. In this sense they are similar to Goffman’s (1974) notions of social framing or Bourdieu’s (1977, 1990) notion of doxa. The line between analytical models and indigenous models is not a fixed one.