By Fabio De Castro, K. Koonings, M. Wiesebron
This edited assortment translates and assesses the transformation of Brazil below the employees' social gathering. It addresses the level of the adjustments the employees' get together has led to and examines how profitable those were, in addition to how continuity and social switch in Brazil have affected key domain names of economic system, society, and politics.
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Extra info for Brazil Under the Workers’ Party: Continuity and Change from Lula to Dilma
Interestingly, gender does have some explanatory power, but not in the direction expected by simplistic journalistic accounts. Dilma defeated Serra by 16 percentage points among male voters, but by only four points among women. This is very likely a partisan effect rather than a candidate effect: the gender profile is very similar to what Lula achieved in his five bids for the presidency, and the PT has suffered a similar gender gap throughout its history (Braga and Pimentel, 2011). 1 are univariate and descriptive, and multivariate analysis can take us further.
In each case, the centreright parties backing Lula hold views that are closer to the opposition 20 Timothy J. Power outlook than they are to the position of the governing PT. These are fault lines or ‘wedge issues’: they illustrate latent tensions within the heterogeneous pro-Lula alliance. Therefore, Dilma inherits a Brazil that was reshaped by Cardoso and Lula, but she also inherits a particular political coalition that formed around the successes of the Lula government. This is a coalition that retains centrist and conservative parties (most notably the Partido do Movimento Democrático do Brasil – PMDB) that supported Cardoso’s reforms in the 1990s, but that then gravitated rather quickly into the orbit of the PT when this party won the presidency in 2002.
Lula’s efforts to frame the presidential election as a plebiscite on his eight years of rule were clearly successful, and Dilma made little effort to distinguish herself from her 22 Timothy J. Power predecessor or to suggest new courses of action. On 3 October 2010 Dilma received 47 percent of the valid vote to Serra’s 33 percent, while Marina Silva took an additional 19 percent (the best showing of any third-placed presidential candidate since the transition to democracy). Like Lula in 2006, Dilma fell just short of outright victory and was forced into a runoff election on 31 October.