By J. C. A. Stagg
In reading how the USA won keep an eye on over the northern borderlands of Spanish the US, this paintings reassesses the international relations of President James Madison. Historians have assumed Madison’s reason in sending brokers into the Spanish borderlands among 1810 and 1813 was once to subvert Spanish rule, yet J. C. A. Stagg argues that his actual purpose was once to discover peaceable and felony resolutions to long-standing disputes over the bounds of Louisiana at a time while the Spanish-American empire used to be within the technique of dissolution. Drawing on an array of yank, British, French, and Spanish assets, the writer describes how a myriad solid of neighborhood leaders, officers, and different small gamers affected the borderlands international relations among the United States and Spain, and he casts new mild on Madison’s contribution to early American expansionism. (20100301)
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Extra resources for Borderlines in Borderlands: James Madison and the Spanish-American Frontier, 1776-1821 (The Lamar Series in Western History)
97 That was the situation inherited by Jefferson and Madison in 1801. Their response was to instruct their diplomats in Europe—Robert R. ” 99 Florida was also necessary to protect the navigation of the Mississippi as well as to ensure access to other rivers ﬂowing to the Gulf Coast for settlers moving southward from Tennessee and westward from Georgia. The clarity of well-deﬁned or “natural” borders with ports, however, was far more important than the intrinsic value of any land that might be obtained.
21 Later that year, though, Congress did ask Virginia to provide galleys for an attack on East Florida. ”22 After Spain declared war on Great Britain in June 1779, Madison’s reactions to suggestions that the United States assist Spain in seizing Florida were mixed. He was aware Congress had its own claims in the region, but of more importance by 1780 was the view that the Spanish occupation of Pensacola and St. Augustine would do little immediately to advance the independence of the American states.
72 The Federal Constitution of September 1787 did not satisfy Madison in all respects, but the provisions of the treaty clause in the second section of its second article at least promised to prevent a repetition of the problems of the Jay-Gardoqui negotiations. 73 After the new government commenced its operations in the spring of 1789, George Washington considered resuming the negotiations with Gardoqui, and he sought Madison’s counsel by sending him a series of questions about how to recover the ground that had been conceded by Jay.